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中国国际战略评论(2016)

中国国际战略评论(2016)

1星价 ¥84.0 (7.0折)
2星价¥84.0 定价¥120.0
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  • ISBN:9787119114484
  • 装帧:一般胶版纸
  • 册数:暂无
  • 重量:暂无
  • 开本:其他
  • 页数:395
  • 出版时间:2018-05-01
  • 条形码:9787119114484 ; 978-7-119-11448-4

内容简介

本书收入的26篇文章和报道,有原国务委员戴秉国先生关于世界、中国和中美关系的精彩发言,有日本前外交大臣前原诚司关于日中关系的思考,有原外交部副部长、原国务院侨办副主任何亚非大使关于优选治理改革的论文,还包括中国大陆与台湾地区、挪威、日本、美国的专家学者的评论,内容涵盖了当前靠前上普遍关注的重大现实问题和中国对外关系问题。

目录

Speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
Asia-Pacific Security and the Respective Roles ofjapan and China
China-US Relations Have Entered a "New Normal"
Reforming Global Governance System and Reshaping 21st-Century International Order
China and Global Governance: Assessment of the Process of China's Participation in G20
China's Rise in the International Frnancial System:Progress and Limitations
Future of Global Climate Governance and China's Role Transitjon in the Post-Paris Era
Drones for Good? Conceptualizing the Role of Good Drones in Global Governance
The Evolution, Characteristics and Challenges of Contemporary China's Diplomatic System
The "Freedom of Navigation" Debate Between China and the US:Retrospect and Prospect
Coping with Dual Challenges: China's New Policy Towards North Korea
China-Pakistan Relations: Factors of Durability
Huaqiao-Huaren in the Framework of International Migration
——An Analysis ofldentity and Dual Nationality
When PoliticalPolarization and Social Differentiation Go Together
——A Preliminary Observation of the US in the Election Year
Iran After the Nuclear Deal:A Rising Power's Strategic Orientation
Thoughts on China's Border and Maritime Defense
The US Military Alliances Supporting the Asia-Pacific Rebalance Strategy
Equilateral Dependence, Scalene Perspectives and Isosceles Ideas:The US-EU-China "Strategic Triangle and Transatlantic Policy
Chinese Historical Experience in Settling Territoriallssues on Land and the Implications in Handling Maritime Territorial Disputes
The UK and the Use of Force in Iraq: Academics and Policy-Makers
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  《中国国际战略评论(2016)》:  Although there is a perception in China that I was a hardliner towards China, however, as I have just mentioned, I have long been concerned about China, and I am proud to have been committed to strengthening relations between China and Japan, which I will talk about later in my speech. I think in the future, China and Japan should frankly exchange views on issues between the two countries, and perseverejin solving these issues. In the process, they should not only strengthen bilateral relations, but work together to promote stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region depending on the circumstances.  My topic today is "Asia-Pacific Security and the Respective Roles ofjapan and China".  It has been more than 70 years since the end of World War II. After experiencing two great wars, the world created a variety of orders to avoid renewed hostilities, such as the United Nations (UN), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT), which later evolved into the World Trade Organization (WTO), and other organizations. In other words, by developing common rules and urgmg countries to abide by these rules, the world wanted to prevent conflict and promote peaceful resolution of issues between countries, so that countries can achieve coexistence and common prosperity. The world has put a lot of effort into this.  However, what concerns me is that, recently, there are some trends of trying to change the world order established after World War II by force: The Islamic State (IS) denied territorial allocations defined by the Sykes-Picot Agreement after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and tried to reestablish an Islamic State; Russia is not only controlling the Crimean Peninsula, but still planning to split eastern Ukraine and place it under Russia's influence. These are notable cases in the trends. Russia is a very important neighbor of Japan. I also serve as Vice President of Japan-Russia Friendship Parliamentarians' Union in Japan's National Diet, and am committed to promoting the development of Japan-Russia relations. On the issue of Crimea, taking its history into account,it is not unable to understand Russia's mind, but I still hold that Russia should adopt a procedure that can be recognized by the international community to solve the issue.  In addition, terrorist organizations, which are non-state actors, are now spreading all over the world, and carrying out sabotage activities m various countries. Disregarding the order defined by the international commuruty, they have posed a threat to sovereign states. Such acts of violence Cannot be tolerated.  Because of this, we need a world order jointly developed by countries and based on the rule of law, and maintaining the order is our top priority. Of course, there are some limitations in the postwar order. It has not always been working all the time. For example, during the Cold War, the US and the Soviet Union vetoed against each other on various issues, resulting in difficulty in reaching agreements for the UN Security Council. Even todajy, agreements are hard to reach at times. Nevertheless, the world order established after two world wars to protect and develop the international community still plays a critical role today. Therefore, we have to say that as one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council and the world's second-largest economy, China bears great responsibilities.  The following content may sound harsh for all of you from China. But I hope you can understand that I make the speech with expectation and respect only because i am facing China, a country that has made extraordinary achievements and grown from a strong  developing country into a country with world influence.  Accompanied by the remarkable development, China's diplomacy has also undergone a rapid change in recent years. However, many countries are not yet able to understand "thye true intention of China". What is China's diplomatic goal? If they have to choose between the two alternatives, many countries are not sure whether C ina is a "supporter" or a "challenger" for the world order built after two world wars.  ……

作者简介

北京大学靠前战略研究院旨在促进世界政治、靠前安全、国家战略等领域的学术研究和政策研究。其重点是对当今中国所处的靠前环境以及相关各国的靠前战略进行分析,并在此基础上公开发表或向有关方面提交有政策含义的、面向未来的研究成果。研究院致力于为中国的靠前战略决策提供智力支持,为相关学科的教学服务,并引导公众全面、准确、理性地认识国家安全与靠前战略问题。研究院的研究成果包括不定期发表的《靠前战略研究简报》、每年一期的《中国靠前战略评论》(中英文版)、 “北京大学靠前战略研究丛书”,以及政府部门、企*单位的委托研究报告等。

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