美国历史文化读本

内容简介

本书由10个教学单元组成，每个单元对应美国历史演进的不同阶段；编者在每个历史阶段中精心挑选出2—4个文化关键词并——给予较为详细的阐释；同时，每个文化关键词阐释后辅以3～5篇相关文章或选段；这些文章形式多样，有历史文献、名人演讲、歌曲、名家小说，以及著名学术论著和评论选段等；其內容覆盖领域广泛，所表达的內容和思想有相当的深度，能很好地帮助学生透过历史的表象了解各时段的文化核心，拓宽学生的文化视野，促进学生对芙国历史文化发展脉络理解的深入。此外，本书每篇文章后还设计了数个有一定难度的问题供学生在课堂上讨论；这些问题不仅可以帮助教师检验学生对文章內容的理解，而且还可锻炼学生的思辨、陈述的表达能力。
本书编写新颖，将历史与文化知识相融合并用时代关键词的形式加以梳理，读者可通过每单元前的关键词把握该单元的主题。

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There is, for example, the whispering campaign, the circulation of anonymous rumors by men whocannot be compelled to prove what they say. They put the utmost strain on our tolerance, and there are fewwho do not rejoice when the anonymous slanderer is caught, exposed, and punished. At a higher levelthere is the moving picture, a most powerful medium for conveying ideas, but a medium which does notpermit debate. A moving picture cannot be answered effectively by another moving picture; in all freecountries there is some censorship of the movies,and there would be more if the producers did notrecognize their limitations by avoiding political controversy.There is then the radio.Here debate isdifficult: it is not easy to make sure that the speaker is being answered in the presence of the sameaudience. Inevitably, there is some regulation of the radio.
When we reach the newspaper press, the opportunity for debate is so considerable that discontentcannot grow to the point where under normal conditions there is any disposition to regulate the press. Butwhen newspapers abuse their power by injuring people who have no means of replying, a disposition toregulate the press appears.When we arrive at Congress we find that, because the membership of theHouse is so large, full debate is impracticable. So there are restrictive rules. On the other hand, in theSenate, where the conditions of full debate exist, there is almost absolute freedom of speech.
This shows us that the preservation and development of freedom of opinion are not only a matter ofadhering to abstract legal rights,but also,and very urgently,a matter of organizing and arrangingsufficient debate. Once we have a firm hold on the central principle, there are many practical conclusionsto be drawn. We then realize that the defense of freedom of opinion consists primarily in perfecting theopportunity for an adequate give-and-take of opinion; it consists also in regulating the freedom of thoserevolutionists who cannot